Macedonians in Greece December 30, 2008
Posted by Yilan in Human rights abuses.Tags: Macedonia, Makedonca, Makedonya, Yunanistan
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“The Macedonian minority in Greece does not exist”, “the Macedonian nation does not exist at all”, – are the claims of the official Greek government. The following will prove the total apsurdity of these claims, in the eyes of the history.
MACEDONIA IN THE XX CENTURY
Biased Balkan Statistics on the Population of Macedonia
In 1870’s, while Macedonia was still under the Turkish Empire, the new independent Balkan states started to propagate how the Macedonians do not exist, and how Macedonia was populated only by Greeks, Bulgarians, and Serbs. This is the beginning of the so-called “Macedonian Question”. Ethnographers, historians, and writers begun writing books in favor of this or that propaganda. Many of them did not even visit Macedonia, while those who did already had a written scenario. Their presence there was only a simple formality. Table 1 gives an excellent proof of those Balkan speculations surrounding Macedonia:
balkan views Greek C. Nikolaides 1899 Bulgarian Kenchov 1900 Serbian Gopchevich 1886
Macedonian Slavs
454,000
-
-
Serbs
-
400
1,540,000
Bulgarians
-
1,037,000
-
Greeks
656,300
214,000
201,000
Turks and others
576,600
610,365
397,020
Table 1. Greek, Bulgarian, and Serbian Statistics of Macedonia’s population
It is more than obvious that all the views coming from the Macedonia’s neighbors are biased. They all claim their people in Macedonia to justify their well-planned aspirations. It is important to note that both the Bulgarian and Serbian views agree that the Greeks in Macedonia represent only a small minority of 10%. The Greek ethnographer Nikolaides, on the other hand, claims three times bigger number than his colleagues in Belgrade and Sofia. However, the most important about Nikolaides is that he recognizes the Macedonian Slavs as a separate nation, and not the Bulgarians nor the Serbs, to be part of population of Macedonia at all. And although he tries hard to lower the numbers of those Macedonian Slavs, he still comes up with a convincing proof of their existence.
Neutral Statistics on the Population of Macedonia
This is the time when many European slavists, ethnographers, and historians, are also attracted to visit Macedonia and conduct their own investigations. Therefore, to find the real unbiased population numbers in Macedonia, we have to rely on neutral and independent statistics:
neutral views German Dr. K. Ostreich 1905 Austrian K. Gersin 1903 English Andrew Rousos
Macedonian Slavs
1,500,000
1,182,036
1,150,000
Serbs
-
-
-
Bulgarians
-
-
-
Greeks
200,000
228,702
300,000
Turks and others
550,000
627,915
400,000
Table 2. Independent and Neutral European Statistics of Macedonia’s Population
To summarize, the number of Greeks in Macedonia according to the neutral authors, aligns with the numbers given by the Serb and Bulgarian authors. This is a proof that the Greeks before the partition of Macedonia, were indeed only a small minority of about 10% from the total population. This fact certainly does not give them the copyright of the name Macedonia. Dr. Ostreich, Gersin, and Roussos, are only a few of the many neutral authors to prove the groundless speculations of the Balkan counties. They proved that Macedonia belongs to a separate nation, the Macedonian Slavs. This proves that the Bulgarians and the Serbs have than simply substituted the numbers of the Macedonians for theirs. Another Austrian, Karl Hron proved why that is unjustified:
“According to my own studies on the Serb-Bulgarian conflict I came to the conclusion that the Macedonians looking at their history and language are a separate nation, which means they are not Serbs nor Bulgarians, but the descendants of those Slavs who populated the Balkan peninsula long before the Serb and Bulgarian invasions, and who later did not mix with any of those other two nations…” and: “… the Macedonian language according to its own laws in the development of the voices, and its own grammatical rules, forms one separate language”.
There were even Greek and Bulgarian writers to support what Karl Hron has written. One such example is the Bulgarian slavist and ethnographer P. Draganov, who in his studies of 1887-1894 and 1903, proved the existence of the Macedonians and the Macedonian language as a distinct language.
THE PARTITION OF MACEDONIA IN 1913 AND ITS CONSEQUENCES
On October 8, 1912, the First Balkan War begun. Montenegro, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Greece attacked the European positions of the Ottoman Empire. Macedonians also took active part and contributed in driving the Turks out of Macedonia. Turkey capitulated soon, but Macedonia did not free itself. The victorious Balkan kingdoms convened in Bucharest in August 1913 to divide the spoils. The partition of Macedonia is best illustrated with the following maps:
Greece was awarded Aegean Macedonia and renamed it to “Northern Greece”; Bulgaria annexed Pirin Macedonia and abolished the Macedonian name, and Serbia took over Vardar Macedonia and renamed it to “Southern Serbia”. The same year, N. Pasich of Serbia and E. Venizelos of Greece agreed on the newly formed Greek-Serbian (later Yugoslavian) border, so that there would be “only Serbs to the North and only Greeks to the South”, and no “Macedonians” on either side. Thus, the politics to assimilate the Macedonians of Aegean Macedonia had already begun.
The Greek Atrocities in Aegean Macedonia
1. On June 21, 22, and 23, 1913, the Greek army completely burned to the ground the city of Kukush (today Kilkis), known for its resistance against Hellenism in the XIX century.
2. Between June 29 and 25, 39 villages in the Kukush area were also burned down.
3. On June 23 and 24, the city of Serres (today Serrai) was set on fire where 4000 houses perished. In the Serres gymnasium the Greeks murdered about 200 people.
4. During these days the larger portion of Strumica was also destroyed by the Greek army.
5. Between June 23 and 30, many villages in the Drama and Serres districts were burned down.
6. From June 27 to July 6, all Macedonian quarts in Salonika were set on fire.
The Carnegie Commission composed of members from USA, Germany, Russia, France, Austria, and England, witnessed these Greek atrocities when visited Aegean Macedonia. Their final conclusion was that the Greek army has burned to the ground 170 Macedonian and Turkish villages, with over 17,000 houses.
Since 1913, official Greece has been trying to banish native Macedonian names of villages, towns, cities, rivers, and lakes in Aegean Macedonia. For example, the little stream which issues from Mount Olympus and flows into the Aegean Sea is labeled Mavroneri (“black water”) on the maps made by Greek cartographers after 1913. However, the same river appears as Crna Reka, a native Macedonian name meaning “black river” on the maps made before 1913. Kukush has been dropped for Kilkis and Serres for Serai, together with at least 300 other places all over Macedonia.
Forced Change of the Ethnic Structure of Aegean Macedonia
The presence of the Macedonians in Aegean Macedonia could not allow Greece to claim that land to be Greek and only Greek. Since it was proven that they resisted the Hellenization, Greece decided to drive them out of Macedonia. Greece made agreements with Bulgaria (signed 10/27/19), and Turkey (1/30/23 in Lausanne), for exchange of population. This provided for the Macedonians of Aegean to leave for Bulgaria, while the Greeks in Bulgaria and Turkey settled in the Aegean part of Macedonia. These measures changed the ethnic character of the Aegean. According to the “Great Greek Encyclopedia”, there were 1,221,849 newcomers against 80,000 “slavophones”. The “Ethnic Map of Greek Macedonia Showing the Ratio Between Various Ethnic Elements in 1912 and 1926,” claims there were 119,000 “bulgarisants” in 1912, and 77,000 in 1926. The Greek ethnic map of Aegean Macedonia was submitted to the League of Nations by the Greek government. The League of Nations had not visited Aegean Macedonia and did not participate at all in conducting these statistics. Greece here refers to the Macedonians as “bulgarisants”, which means “those who pretend to be Bulgarians” and obviously non-Bulgarians. However, Greece uses many other names in falsificating the identity of the Macedonians. Slavophones, Slav Macedonians, Makedoslavs, Slav Greeks, and Bulgarisants, are only some of the names that prove Greece’s non-preparedness in this mean falsification of the Macedonian people and language. There are also other Greek sources that contradict the previous numbers of the Macedonians in Greece. The Athenian newspaper, “Message d’ Aten” wrote on February 15, 1913, that the number of “Bulgar-echarhists” was 199,590 contradicting with those 119,000 of the “Ethnic Map of Greek Macedonia”.
When the Bulgarian and Serbian views are added, the confusion gets only bigger. According to the Bulgarian Rumenov, in 1928 there were total of 206,435 “Bulgarians”, while the Serb Bora Milojevich claimed 250,000 “Slavs” in Aegean Macedonia. The speculations with the real number of Macedonians is obvious again. Their true number remains disputable in the Balkan documents, same as it was the case before the partition of 1912. On the other hand, the Greek government would not allow anybody, including neutral observers to conduct statistical studies.
Recognition of the Macedonian Language by Greece
Greece signed the agreement to provide education in the languages of the minorities that remained within her borders, obligated under the international law. As a result, Sakerlarou Press in Athens printed a primer in the Macedonian language called “Abecedar” in 1924. It was intended for the Macedonian children in soon to be opened new schools in Aegean Macedonia. This was a clear recognition of the existence of the Macedonians in Greece. The Greek government, however, later changed its position and the primer never reached the schools.
The Macedonian Language Forbidden in Greece
The Englishmen B. Hild who traveled through Aegean Macedonia in 1928 has recorded that the Greeks are chasing not only the alive Macedonians, to whom they sometimes refer to as “bulgarophones” and sometimes as “slavophones”, but also the graves of dead Macedonians, by destroying all non-Greek signs on the crosses. The use of the Macedonian language was forbidden and punishable when dictator Metaxis gained power in Greece. It is believed that between 1936 and 1940, some 5,250 Macedonians were persecuted for only speaking their native language. Here is an official order of the National Garde in Nered (Polipotamos):
“All residents from two to fifty years of age are forbidden to use any other language but Greek. I direct special attention to the youth. Anyone to break this law will be punished.”
Etnic Maps of Macedonia
As the facts point out, the Macedonians were not wiped out from Aegean Macedonia in spite of the many assimilation attempts of the Greek government. One such fact is the ethnic map of Europe in The Times Atlas of World History, where the Macedonians presented as separate nationality cover the territory of complete Macedonia, including Aegean Macedonia in Greece.
Here is another map, part of a larger Balkan map and made by German slavists and ethnographers, first published after World War I, which proves that that the ethnic Macedonians are the majority in Aegean Macedonia while the Greeks consist only a small minority.
To see this map in larger format, click here.
The Macedonians on this map (Mazedonier in German, and presented in green with stripes), populate large area of Aegean Macedonia as the largest ethnic group, including the districts of Kostur (Kastoria), Lerin (Florina), Voden (Edessa), Ber (Veroia), and Salonika (Thessaloniki), the largest Macedonian city. This map is yet another clear proof that the Macedonians do exist as large minority in Greece. It is also very important to note, that southernmost river in Macedonia which many ethnographers consider to be at the border with Greece, is labeled on this map with the native Macedonian name Wistritza (Bistrica). However, Greek maps that date after the partition of Macedonia, have changed this centuries-old Macedonian name with the Greek Aliakmon. Another examples on wiping off the native Macedonian names from this map, would also be the second largest city in Aegean Macedonia, Serres which Greece changed to Serrai later, Wodena (Voden) was changed to Edessa, the river Mesta which was changed to Nestos, or the lake Beschik which today appears as Volvi.
Today, the CIA Ethnic Map of Balkans and Macedonia is yet another proof that the ethnic Macedonians today represent a big national minority in northern Greece or Aegean Macedonia. According to this CIA source, the Macedonians live in all parts of Macedonia: Vardar (today Republic of Macedonia), Pirin Macedonia in Bulgaria, and Aegean Macedonia in Greece.
Macedonians Oppressed in Greece
Following are several documents regarding the oppression of the Macedonians in Aegean Macedonia before World War II. They appeared in “Rizospastis”, a newspaper published by the Greek Communist Party (KKE).
April 15, 1934
* Serres (Serrai). The town square was covered with leaflets with revolutionary proclamations calling upon the soldiers to straggle for a solution to their problems and against the beastly reign of terror. Officers imprisoned the soldiers who read the leaflets… The most barbarous methods were used against us Macedonians, soldiers of the 6th Heavy Artillery Regiment. The majority of us are illiterate, we do not know Greek and therefore we frequently do not understand their orders. The officers tried to teach us to read and write, but their efforts were abandoned too soon and were performed so improperly than none of us learned anything.
June 6, 1934
* Voden (Edessa). Here, in Voden, and in our whole district, in the heart of Macedonia, here where we Macedonians do not know any other language but our own Macedonian, various agents of the Greek capitalism force us to speak Greek. Consequently, they threaten us constantly with expulsion to Bulgaria, they call us Komitajis, expropriate our fields which we have drenched with our sweet just to produce a piece of bread. In addition, they deprive us of the freedom which our fathers won after many years of struggle in which they gave their lives for the liberation of Macedonia. We live under the yoke of Greek capitalism, literally as slaves. In the elementary schools, the young children who speak their own language are beaten every day. Particularly here in Voden, the henchman and fascist Georgiadis beats the children if they speak their Macedonian tongue.
June 8, 1934
* Lerin (Florina). It has been some time now that the whole bourgeois press launched a campaign against the Macedonian people. It represents a part of the fascist and military measures which the Government of Tsaldaris carries out in its orientation towards an increasingly brutal oppression of the people’s masses in Macedonia. The Chief of the Security Forces here, Karamaunas, whenever he meets us on the streets threatens us with the words: “You are Bulgarians and if by any chance I discover any sort of organized movement, I will beat you without mercy and than I will deport you.” We Macedonians should rise with greater courage and by means of increased activities should reject this campaign because it brings us an even more brutal oppression, starvation, misery, and war.
MACEDONIA AND GREECE AFTER WORLD WAR II
The end of World War II brought both joy and sadness to the Macedonian people. Joy because the Macedonians were finally recognized as a distinct people with their own nationality, language, and culture in Yugoslavia. The Republic of Macedonia was not anymore “Southern Serbia” but another integral part of new federal Yugoslavia.
The Yugoslav – Greek Relations
Yugoslavia urged Greece many times to recognize the Macedonian minority in Aegean Macedonia. The Greek paper “Elefteros Tipos” wrote that in September of 1986 the Prime-Minister Papandreu in the talks with Yugoslav presidency member Stane Dolanc has agreed to recognize the Macedonian language as one of the official languages in Yugoslavia. As a result of those talks, on March 16, 1988, the Greek Prime-Minister Papandreu and the Foreign Affairs’ Karolos Papulias, even agreed to recognize the Macedonian language in Greece. However, the famous bankers affair “Koskotas” emerged, the PASOK government fell down, and the documents were not signed. Greece continued to refer to the Macedonians as “Slavophones” who speak an “idiom”.
THE MACEDONIAN – GREEK RELATIONS
In September of 1991, the Republic of Macedonia succeeded from Yugoslavia. Greece urged the world not to recognize Macedonia under that name because Macedonia’s Constitution “threatens the security and integrity of Greece”. What Greece is referring to is the Article 49 of the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia which states:
“The Republic of Macedonia cares for the statue and rights of those persons belonging to the Macedonian people in neighboring countries, as well as Macedonian ex-parties, assists their cultural development and promotes links with them.”
Athens sees Article 49 to be a direct threat for the security of Greece because Macedonia cares for the people in Greece who consider themselves Macedonians? On the other hand, Greece has similar article in her Constitution, as any other country in the world, to care for her minorities in the neighboring countries. Greece demands that Macedonia change its Constitution because there are “no Macedonian people” in Greece. This will be proven to be a lie once again, after the independent and well respected Human Rights Watch / Helsinki, visited Aegean Macedonia in 1994.
VIOLATION OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS OF THE MACEDONIANS IN GREECE
The 80-page human rights violation report on Greece entitled “Denying Ethnic Identity – Macedonians of Greece” was published in May 1994. After visiting Aegean Macedonia, The Human Rights Watch/Helsinki concluded:
“ALTHOUGH ETHNIC MACEDONIANS IN NORTHERN GREECE MAKE UP LARGE MINORITY WITH THEIR OWN LANGUAGE AND CULTURE, THEIR INTERNATIONALLY RECOGNIZED HUMAN RIGHTS AND EVEN THEIR EXISTENCE ARE VIGOROUSLY DENIED BY THE GREEK GOVERNMENT. FREE EXPRESSI ON IS RESTRICTED; SEVERAL MACEDONIANS HAVE BEEN PERSECUTED AND CONVICTED FOR THEIR PEACEFUL EXPRESSION OF THEIR VIEWS. MOREOVER, ETHNIC MACEDONIANS ARE DISCRIMINATED AGAINST BY THE GOVERNMENT’S FAILURE TO PERMIT THE TEACHING OF THE MACEDONIAN LANGUAGE. AN D ETHNIC MACEDONIANS, PARTICULARLY RIGHTS ACTIVISTS, ARE HARASSED BY THE GOVERNMENT – FOLLOWED AND THREATENED BY THE SECURITY FORCES – AND SUBJECTED TO ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PRESSURE RESULTING FROM THIS HARASSMENT. ALL OF THESE ACTIONS HAVE LED TO A MARKED CLIMATE OF FEAR IN WHICH A LARGE NUMBER OF ETHNIC MACEDONIANS ARE RELUCTANT TO ASSERT THEIR MACEDONIAN IDENTITY OR TO EXPRESS THEIR VIEWS OPENLY. ULTIMATELY, THE GOVERNMENT IS PURSUING EVERY AVENUE TO DENY THE MACEDONIANS OF GREECE THEIR ETHNIC IDENTITY. “
The Helsinki Watch has, therefore, just recently proven that there is nothing wrong with the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia since the Macedonians indeed exist in Greece as a large minority. Helsinki Watch found the Greek government guilty for oppressing the Macedonian minority and demanded they be given their basic human rights to which they are entitled to. Another human rights organization, Amnesty International, also urged the Greek government to respect the human rights of the ethnic Macedonians. The European Union has also recognized the Macedonian language as one of the languages spoken within the EU borders. The Republic of Macedonia is not a member of the European Union, but Greece including Aegean Macedonia, is within those borders.
CONCLUSION
As the historical facts clearly point out, the existence of the Macedonian nation, including the Macedonian minority in Greece, can not be questioned. It is a historical truth. The Greek Prime-Minister Papagos in the statement to the press released on 4th of February 1954 in Hague, has used the term “slav minority” for the Macedonians of Aegean Macedonia. He also added that this “slav minority” has “always been unfriendly towards Greece”. But why is that minority so “unfriendly towards Greece” – that was something that Papagos did not try to explain. Because his explanation would have to contain yet another recognition, that the minority is so “unfriendly” because it lives in a country where its most basic national and human rights are not recognized at all.
http://faq.macedonia.org/history/12.1.2.html
Massacres of Turks in Greece December 30, 2008
Posted by Yilan in Human rights abuses.Tags: Peloponnese, Turkish genocide, Turkish population, Yunanistan
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Peloponnese
British historian W. Alison Phillips, who wrote the history of the Greek revolution, noted in 1897:
Everywhere, as though at a preconcerted signal, the peasantry rose, and massacred all the Turks—men, women and children—on whom they could lay hands. In the Morea shall no Turk be left. Nor in the whole wide world. Thus rang the song which, from mouth to mouth, announced the beginning of a war of extermination… Within three weeks of the outbreak of the revolt, not a Moslem was left, save those who had succeeded in escaping into the towns.
According to another historian of the Greek revolt, William St. Clair, upwards of twenty thousand Turkish men, women and children were killed by their Greek neighbors in a few weeks of slaughter.William St. Clair also argued that: “with the beginning of the revolt, the bishops and priests exhorted their parishioners to exterminate infidel Moslems.” St. Clair wrote:
The Turks of Greece left few traces. They disappeared suddenly and finally in the spring of 1821 unmourned and unnoticed by the rest of the world….It was hard to believe then that Greece once contained a large population of Turkish descent, living in small communities all over the country, prosperous farmers, merchants, and officials, whose families had known no other home for hundreds of years…They were killed deliberately, without qualm or scruple, and there was no regrets either then or later.
Atrocities toward the Turkish civilian population inhabiting the Peloponnese had started in the Achaia on the 28th of March, just with the beginning of the Greek revolt. On the 2nd of April, the outbreak became general over the whole of Peloponnese and on that day many Turks were murdered in different places. On the third of April 1821, the Turks of Kalavryta surrendered upon promises of security which were afterwards violated. Followingly, massacres ensued against the Turkish civilians in the towns of Peloponnese that the Greek revolutionnaries had captured.
The Turks in Monemvasia, weakened by the famine opened the gates of the city, and laid down their weapons. Six hundred of them had already gone on board the brigs, when the Mainotes burst into the town and started murdering all those who had not yet reached to the shore or those who had chosen to stay in the town. Those on the ships meanwhile were stripped of their clothes, beaten and left on a desolate rock in the Aegean, instead of being deported to Asia Minor as promised. Only a few of them were saved by a French merchant, called M. Bonfort.
A general massacre ensued the fall of Navarino on August 19, 1821. See Navarino Massacre.
The worst Greek atrocity in terms of the numbers of victims involved was the massacre following the Fall of Tripolitsa in 1822. Up to 30,000 Turks had been killed in Tripolitsa:
For three days the miserable inhabitants were given over to lust and cruelty of a mob of savages. Neither sex nor age was spared. Women and children were tortured before being put to death. So great was the slaughter that Kolokotronis himself says that, from the gate to the citadel his horse’s hoofs never touched the ground. His path of triumph was carpeted with corpses. At the end of two days, the wretched remnant of the Mussulmans were deliberately collected, to the number of some two thousand souls, of every age and sex, but principally women and children, were led out to a ravine in the neighboring mountains and there butchered like cattle.
Although the total estimates of the casualties vary, the Turkish, Moslem Albanian and Jewish population of the Peloponnese had ceased to exist as a settled community. Some estimates of the Turkish and Muslim Albanian civilian deaths by the rebels range from 15,000 out of 40,000 Muslim residents to 30,000 only in Tripolitsa. According to historians W.Alison Phillips, George Finlay, William St. Clair and Barbara Jelavich, massacres of Turkish civilians started simultaneously with the outbreak of the revolt,while Harris J. Booras and David Brewer wrote that the massacres followed the brutal hanging of Ecumenical Patriarch Gregory V of Constantinople.
Historian George Finlay claimed that the extermination of the Muslims in the rural districts was the result of a premeditated design and it proceeded more from the suggestions of men of letters, than form the revengeful feelings of the people.[18] William St. Clair wrote that: “The orgy of genocide exhausted itself in the Peloponnese only when there were no more Turks to kill.”
Central Greece
In Athens, 1,150 Turks, of whom only 180 were capable of bearing arms, surrendered upon promises of security. Alison Phillips noted that: A scene of horror followed which has only too many parallels during the course of this horrible war.
Vrachroi, modern day Agrinio, was an important town in West-Central Greece. It contained, besides the Christian population, some five hundred Mussulman families and about two hundred Jews. The massacres in Vrachori commenced with the Jews and soon Mussulmans shared the same fate.
Aegean Islands
There were also massacres towards the Muslim inhabitants of the islands in the Aegean Sea, in the early years of the Greek revolt. According to historian William St. clair, one of the aims of the Greek revolutionaries was to embroil as many Greek communities as possible in their struggle. Their technique was “to engineer some atrocity against the local Turkish population”,[23] so that these different Greek communities would have to ally themselves with the revolutionaries fearing a retaliation from the Ottomans.[23] In such a case, in March 1821, Greeks from the Samos island had landed in the Island Chios and attacked the Muslim population living in that island.[23]
Another similar massacre took place in the island Hydra, one of the most important Aegean islands. Besides the atrocities committed against the local Muslims in the island, two hybrid brigs captured a Turkish ship laden with a valuable cargo, and carrying a number of passengers. Among these was a recently deposed Sheik-ul-Islam, or patriarch of the Orthodox Muslims, who was said to be going to Mecca for pilgrimage. It was his efforts to prevent the cruel reprisals which, at Constantinople, followed the news of the massacres in Peloponnese, which brought him into disfavor, and caused his exile.[24] There were also several other Turkish families on board. British historian of the Greek revolt, Alison Phillips noted:The Hydriots murdered them all in cold blood, helpless old men, ladies of rank, beautiful slaves, and little children were butchered like cattle. The venerable old man, whose crime had been an excess of zeal on behalf of the Greeks, was forced to see his family outraged and murdered before his eyes…
WESTERN THRACE TURKS IN EUROPE December 30, 2008
Posted by Yilan in Human rights abuses.Tags: Human rights, Turkish minority, Western Thrace, Yunanistan
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The existence of a minority is a question of fact and not of definition. (…) First of all, a minority is a group with linguistic, ethnic or cultural characteristics, which distinguish it from the majority. Secondly, a minority is a group which usually not only seeks to maintain its identity but also tries to give stronger expression to that identity.” However, the Turkish minority in Greece, which is determined to maintain its identity, suffer problems in the field of education, although the Convention of the Rights of the Child, of which Greece is a part, recognize the right of the child to education, and with a view to achieving this right progressively and on the basis of equal opportunity.
The Turkish minority is granted with the right to have education in its native language, and it does have an autonomy in the management of its educational institutions by the Treaty of Lausanne signed between Greece and Turkey in 1923 determining the status and the basic rights of the Minority in general and the bilateral educational agreements, the Educational Agreement(1951) and the Cultural Protocol(1968). Due to certain particularities in the educational system, however, minority students do not have adequate opportunities in the field of education. The major problems the minority faces in education include: a mixed system of administration, outdated textbooks, poorly-educated teaching staff and the absence of an efficient school curriculum.
Article 41 of the Treaty granted rights to the Muslim Turkish minority in Thrace ensuring that in the primary schools the instruction shall be given to the children of such Turkish nationals through the medium of their own language. It states:
As regards public instruction, the Turkish Government will grant in those towns districts, where a considerable proportion of non-Moslem nationals are resident, adequate facilities for ensuring that in the primary schools the instruction shall be given to the children of such Turkish nationals through the medium of their own language. This provision will not prevent the Turkish Government from making the teaching of the Turkish language obligatory in the said schools.
The Greek government under Law 3518/2006 decided to extend compulsory period in education from nine to ten years starting from the school year 2007-2008 and revised the condition of pupils’ admission in pre-school education. The attendance of those pupils, who have completed the 5th year of their age, is now obligatory.
The Minority appreciates the need for the extension of compulsory education period from nine to ten years and considers the kindergartens vital for the next generations of the minority child. However, the Law 3518/2006 compels the minority children in Western Thrace who have completed the 5th year of their age to attend majority kindergartens under the Ministry of Education since the Law does not bring any regulation about ethnic and cultural differences of the children in Greece. The Turkish Minority in Western Thrace is determined to establish kindergartens in bilingual rather than the state kindergartens in which Greek language is used in the areas inhabited by the Turkish minority in line with the status of the minority and the legal framework in the field of education, the minority asserts that the kindergartens should be bilingual.
Since the OSCE participating states, including Greece, aim to create comprehensive framework for peace and stability in Europe, they deal equally with human rights. ABTTF reminds that the Helsinki Final Act acknowledges the “respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the freedom of thought, conscience, religion or belief” as one of its guiding principles, and urges the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights to monitor the implementation of commitments that Greece, an OSCE participating state, has undertaken in the field of human rights, in particular the right to education in mother tongue in all levels of minority education in Greece, including pre-school minority education.
ABTTF reminds the Hague Recommendations Regarding the Education Rights of National Minorities (1996) that the ultimate object of all human rights is the full and free development of the individual human personality in conditions of equality. It recalls;
-States should create conditions enabling institutions which are representative of members of the national minorities in question to participate, in a meaningful way, in the development and implementation of policies and programmes related to minority education. (Article 5)
- In accordance with international law, persons belonging to national minorities, like others, have the right to establish and manage their own private educational institutions in conformity with domestic law. (Article ![]()
- The first years of education are of pivotal importance in a child’s development. Educational research suggests that the medium of teaching at pre-school and kindergarten levels should ideally be the child’s language. Wherever possible, States should create conditions enabling parents to avail themselves of this option. (Article 11)
ABTTF recalls that all OSCE states are bound by United Nations obligations relating to human rights, including minority rights, and that the great majority of OSCE States are also bound by the standards of the Council of Europe. ABTTF recalls;
-Article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which says education shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among nations, racial or religious groups and contribute to the maintenance of peace.
- Article 4 (3) of the UN Declaration on the Rights on Persons Belonging to Minorities that “States should take appropriate measures so that, wherever possible, persons belonging to minorities have adequate opportunities to learn their mother tongue.”
- Article 27 of the UN Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,
- Article 1(2) and Article 5 of the UNESCO Convention against Discrimination in Education,
-Article 28(1) and Article 30 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child
- Article 8 of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (EChRML)
- Article 14 of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities.
Besides, Article 13 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights guarantees the right of parents to choose for their children schools other than those established by public authorities. It also guarantees the right of individuals and bodies to establish and manage alternative educational institutions as long as these conform to minimum educational standards as laid down by the State.
Recommendations:
1.
Education needs to be made available and accessible at all levels to the members of a minority group and, most importantly, it needs to adapt to the socio-linguistic and cultural needs of minority students.
2.
A culture of respect must be maintained to protect the right to be different and the principles
of non-discrimination and equality in educational level. The accomplishment of such a goal requires a satisfactory level of education that takes into consideration the special social and cultural needs of the members of the Turkish minority in Western Thrace.
3.
Federation of Western Thrace Turks in Europe (ABTTF), therefore, urges the Greek government that the extension of the period of compulsory education from nine to ten years under Law No. 3518/2006 should be extended to the minority schooling system.
4.
We assert that the minority system of education should be reconstructed according to the principles of multiculturalism and multilingualism. In this context, we encourage the Greek government to provide Muslim Turkish students with sufficient opportunities to learn both the official language of the state and their mother tongue.
TURKISH MINORITY IN BULGARISTAN AND THE EUROPEAN UNION December 29, 2008
Posted by Yilan in Human rights abuses.Tags: Bulgaria, Bulgaristan, EU, Turkce, Turkey, Turkish minority
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The aim of the article is to show the changes, which have occurred in the status of the
Bulgarian Turks in Bulgaria after the fall of the communist regime in November 1989. Before that,
however, I would like to take a brief retrospective look at the policy of the Bulgarian Communist
Party (BCP) for this minority during the 1944 – 1989 period.
The policy of the BCP to the Bulgarian Turks after it came to power in 1944 has been
changed many times and is in compliance with the lack of a well-defined course from the preceding
period after the restoration of the Bulgarian State in 1878. It is not possible to talk about a hard-line
policy to the Bulgarian Turks, as well as to the other minority groups, such as the gypsies,
Bulgarian Muslims, Jews, Armenians, etc.1 In general, the ethnic policy of the BCP swung like a
pendulum from the provision of rights to periodical waves of emigration to the attempts for
accession and enforced assimilation2.
The real turn in the status of the Bulgarian Turks came in the spring of 1984, when the
concept for the change of their native names was approved. This was followed for an enforced
action for the changing of their names in December and January3. Numerous prohibitions were
implemented, which restricted the rights of the minorities: talking in Turkish in public places,
wearing the traditional Muslim clothes, practicing the Islamic traditions and rituals (e.g. Bayrams,
Muslim marriage rituals and circumcision), even listening to Turkish music and dancing Turkish
dances (Kyochek)4. Publications in Turkish language were discontinued. The ideological basis for
this process was made public only after the end of the campaign for the changing of the names in
1988. The action was referred to as “Revival Process”, since it was considered as a part of the
“Renaissance, which never happened” of the Turkish population. The Turks in Bulgaria were
announced comprise “assimilated by enforcement during the Turkish yoke Bulgarians”, who must
find their “real” identity. The final aim was to create a “unified socialist Bulgarian nation”5. As a
result of this Process, between 310 and 370 thousand of Turks left Bulgaria in the summer of 1989
during the cynically referred to by the authorities “Big Vacation Trip”6.
2
After the fall of the communist regime in Bulgaria in November 1989, changes occurred in
the status of the Turkish population in the country. Since the first opposition meetings after
November 1989 requests were voiced for the reinstatement of the “Turkish-Arabic names”7. After
long debates and inspired by the BCP nationalist protests, the Reinstatement of the Names Act was
voted on the 5th of March 1990. By the 1st of March 1991, more than 600 000 applications were
processed and approved8.
As coopared to the reinstatement of the names, a lot more problems occurred with reference
to the rights to use and study the native language. Nonetheless, the new Constitution, voted in 1991,
provides for the rights of the “citizens, for whom the Bulgarian language is not native, are entitled
simultaneously with the compulsory studying of the Bulgarian language to study and use their
native language” (Art. 36, clause 3)9. According to the Constitution, “everyone is entitled to use the
national and generally human cultural values, as well as to develop one’s culture according to
one’s ethnic origins, which is accepted and guaranteed by the laws” (Art. 54, clause 1)10. In
compliance with the above provisions of the Constitution, in November 1991 the Government
issues a decree for the implementation from 3rd till 8th grades of 4 hours per week study of the
native language as a voluntarily selected subject. Later on, this subject was implemented for study
as of the 1st grade (as of 1994). Initially, the students used Turkish school books, but in 1996 the
Ministry of Education and Science began publishing Bulgarian editions of the required school
books.
In order to provide for the religious education and the training of Islamic spiritual leaders,
the Islamic College at the Office of the Chief Mufti was established in 1990. Later on, 4 secondary
Islamic schools were established in the country, as well11.
As regards the printed publications of the Turkish minority, some developments can be
observed during the post-communist period. Since 1990, the published till then only in Bulgarian
newspaper “Nova Svetlina” (“New Light”) became bilingual. Other publications for the Turkish
minority began to appear, such as “Prava i svobodi” (“Rights and Freedom”), “Hak ve isgurluk”,
“Guven”, etc.12 Much later, as late as 2001, the broadcasting of news in Turkish began by the
Bulgarian National TV, as well as individual broadcasts being made in Turkish on the “Hristo
Botev” Program of the Bulgarian National Radio.
All of the above changes in the status of the Bulgarian Turks would have been much more
difficult without the participation of its representatives in the management of the country.
Immediately after the fall of the communist regime in 1989, the members of the illegal until then
“Turkish National Freedom Movement of Bulgaria” gathered and decided on the 4th of January
1990 to cast the foundations of the “Movement for Rights and Freedom” (MRF) as an independent,
3
individual political organization. On the 26th and the 27th of March 1990, the National Founding
Conference of the MRF was convened in Sofia. Two alternatives for the program were presented.
The first was the “Program Declaration of the MRF for the Turks and the Muslims of Bulgaria”,
and the second was the “Program Declaration of the MRF”. One of them expresses the idea for the
unification of the Turks and the Muslims. According to the words of the movement members, “this
is a consequence of the attempt for the separate assimilation of the totalitarian regime on the basis
of ethnic and religious principles – division of the minorities and weakening of their resistance
capabilities.” The accent in the other program declaration was on the common national
characteristics of the MRF.
The elections for the Great Parliament were held on the 10th and the 17th of June 1990.13 The
MRF succeeded in having 23 Members of Parliament elected to the same. Since then, the
Movement has become the third political force at the Bulgarian Parliament. At present, the MRF
has 20 MP’s at the Parliament14.
The movement also plays and active role in the local municipal management throughout the
country. After the local elections in October 2003, the Municipal Mayors, elected by the ballot of
the MRF amounted to 29, while local Mayors numbered 54915.
All of the above leads to the conclusions that for the last 15 years Bulgaria has achieved a
lot in improving the status of the Bulgarian Turks. Our country makes significant efforts to adjust
our legislation in compliance with the European legal standards, to establish sustainable democratic
institutions, and to develop its civil society. This is aided by the accession to the Council of Europe
and the ratification of the European Convention on Human Rights on the 7the of May 1992.16 The
Framework Convention for the Protection of the National Minorities was also ratified (in 1999). In
synchronization with the requirements of the EU on the rights of the minorities, our Parliament
voted to implement the Protection from Discrimination Act (2003). The National Council on Ethnic
and Demographic Issues also tries to resolve the problems of the Turkish minority in the country
(since 1997).
However, there a lot of not yet resolved problems. It has to be noted with reference to the
legislation, that the Protection from Discrimination Act is not enforced. The reason for the above is
the failure to incorporate the required authority body to perform the control in accordance with the
requirements of the EU, namely, the State Agency for the Minorities. There are also a lot of
problems remaining with reference to the education of the Turkish minorities – shortage of qualified
teachers, speaking good Turkish, and of updated school books and aid in the native Turkish
language; unsatisfactory learning of the taught at school due to insufficient knowledge of the
Bulgarian language; insufficient range of education of the children in Turkish language and
4
unsatisfactory level of teaching quality; ethnic centrism in the contents of the educational agenda
and teaching methods, which forms a negative attitude to the Turkish minority; difficult adaptation
of the children of Turkish origin at the kindergartens and primary schools17.
The main issue, however, remains the elaboration and approval of a strategy for the
development of the underdeveloped from economic point of view regions with a compact minority,
Turkish in this case, population. Notwithstanding the fact that the elaboration and approval of such
a strategy comprised a part of the program of the current Government, no efforts to resolve this
issue are to be observed18. As of date, the unemployment rates in the regions with a mixed
population reach 80%. This year, the project for the Urbanization and Social Development of the
Regions with Prevailing Minority Population has been started (2003). However, this project is very
small and will affect not more than 2000 persons19.
The general impression is that even though the Turkish population has been given certain
rights throughout the country, its economic status has dropped sharply after the fall of the
communist regime in Bulgaria. The reasons for this lie in the fact that the transition to the market
economy has led to high inflation and unemployment rates, restrictive credit and taxing policies, as
well as low production levels. The regions with a mixed population are characterized by less
investments and lower income levels, as well as higher dependence on state subsidies, as compared
to the average values for the country as a whole. The less developed infrastructure, the privatization
of the land, and the differences in the educational and professional profiles of the Turkish minority
communities affect adversely the constantly worsening economic status of these communities20.
After 1989, the state withdrew its support for the small textile and sewing companies, established in
the regions with a mixed population, while the constant problems in the field of tobacco production
and grain production additionally weigh down the economic status of the Turkish minority21.
The critical economic situation and the limited employment market in Bulgaria have forced
the Turkish population to seek other ways to provide for its food. New migration practices appeared
after 1989 among the ethnic Turks. These are directed along two lines – the EU and Turkey. I
would like to discuss in more detail the seasonal migration to Western Europe. It includes both
Bulgarian Turks and Turks, who for one reason or another, reside permanently in Turkey. It has to
be noted that the seasonal migration is not something new for the Bulgarian Turks, who have had
long-term traditions in practicing the same within the framework of the Bulgarian State.
The main countries of destination for the seasonal search for jobs of the Turks in Western
Europe are Belgium, Germany, Greece, Holland, and Sweden. This migration grew even more after
the discontinuation of the requirements to hold a visa for Bulgarian citizens since April 2001.
5
The seasonal employment migration of the Turkish minority has certain specific
characteristics. First, its aim is not a permanent residence in the EU. It is illegal and is generally
within the terms of the three-month permitted stay without a visa in the countries of the EU. The
employment migration is illegal, because the Bulgarian Turks work without holding official work
permits. It also has to be noted that the seasonal search for employment in the EU is characteristic
of the men. Family couples migrate in certain cases, more rarely – lone women, and even more
rarely – unmarried girls. The reason for the above may be found in the fact that the unemployment
among the Turkish population in Bulgaria is higher among the men, than among the women. The
larger part of the women are employed in small textile plants in Bulgaria, which provide them with
a minimum, but regular income for their families. Last, but not the least reason for the male
migration comes from the traditionally strict family control and the aims to maintain the typical for
the Turkish ethnos moral lifestyle.
Most Turkish villages have already established their own “colonies” in the larger Western
European cities. They use well-established routes. Something else is characteristic of the Turks,
who reside permanently in Turkey. Most of them prefer to come back to their native places and go
to Western Europe from there. The reason for this lies in the belief that the joint employment
migration with the common villagers provides a certain feeling of support and security in the
foreign country.
One cannot miss the impression that the compact Turkish villages are very well organized
for the export of workers. They have established means of transport and accommodation in the
selected western city. This saves a lot of problems during the trips to the large cities for the
purchase of tickets and useless expenditures. The money can be repaid only after a job has been
found.
Most of the immigrants prefer illegal jobs since, according to their opinion, they are better
paid. They do not complain of the heavy work loads and the often long working hours. The basic
jobs occupied by the Turks in Western Europe are in the field of qualified laborers in construction
and related to construction activities. According to the opinion of the immigrants, they are
welcomed by the local residents as workers to perform the dirty work, since the local residents
rarely engage in unqualified work.
In general, the employment immigrants live several persons in a common home, with the
selection of the roommates being generally based on blood relations or the common village origins.
They generally avoid gathering in large groups in order to avoid the attention of the neighbors and
the police.
6
It is an interesting fact that some of the Turks prefer to travel, using their Bulgarian names,
due to the negative attitudes in the West with reference to Muslims. This is especially valid for the
Bulgarian Turks, who are now permanent residents in Turkey. The change from the Turkish names
to the Bulgarian ones also is made in cases of having a black stamp in the passport and a prohibition
to work in the EU. In some cases, such immigrants have even succeeded in changing their Unified
ID numbers.
Most of the immigrants are employed by Turkish or other Muslim entrepreneurs, who are
permanent residents of the respective West European country. In this way, language problems are
avoided, but the people do not learn the local language, notwithstanding their long-term work there.
At this stage, the migration to the EU is fully oriented towards the home and the relatives in
their country of origin. In the destination country, the immigrants live very frugally and send most
of their income home22. Initial terrain studies among such immigrants, who have returned to
Bulgaria, indicate that these incomes are used mostly for domestic needs. The bravest
“investments” till date comprise the acquisition of real-estate properties in the nearest towns, but no
cases of development of one’s own business with the saved money from the months of immigration
have been registered as yet. Without knowing the language, being very restricted in their social
contacts, the immigrants do not inter-relate with the new environment, they do not learn anything
about the same and, respectively, they do not bring home any new economic or social experiences23.
Finally, I would like to discuss the way the Bulgarian Turks look on the EU and how they
see its image. First of all, they relate the EU to the better economic conditions and the higher
standards of life. Second, they point out the respect for the rights of the minorities – the possibilities
for ethnic and religious self-determination.
The Bulgarian Turks indicate as an important factor the quick accession of Bulgaria into the
EU, as well. The main reason for this comes from the economic advantages and the achievement of
higher standards of life. The Bulgarian Turks also are interested in the accession of Turkey to the
European structures. This, for them, is a strategic move, which will expand the markets and change
its image as an underdeveloped economically and culturally country. The reason for the slow
progress of the negotiations between Turkey and the EU is pointed out in its numerous population,
which causes the economic problems of the country24. Another reason for the difficulties on the
road of Turkey’s accession to the EU lies in the fact that it is a Muslim country. This, however, is
viewed as the main requirements for its accession into the European structures. The accession of
Turkey into the EU is viewed by the communities of the Bulgarian Turks as a prerequisite for the
successful defense against the Muslim organizations.
7
Another reason for the importance of the accession into the EU lies in the self-determination
of the Bulgarian Turks as “Europeans” and their views that they are an integral of the European
civilization25.
Finally, I would like to point out that even though Bulgaria has achieved a lot with reference
to the rights of the Turkish minorities in the country and to the synchronization of the Bulgarian to
the European legislation, there is still a lot to be done with reference to their economic status. Due
to this unresolved problem, the migration of the ethnic Turks creates problems for the EU membercountries,
while for this minority this is the only road to survival, to the maintenance of certain
standards of life and social status in their country of origin.
Bati Trakya December 28, 2008
Posted by Yilan in Human rights abuses.Tags: Thrace, Turkey, Turkish minority, Yunanistan
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Batı Trakya; doğudan Meriç Nehri ile Türkiye’den, batıdan da Karasu Nehri ile Makedonya bölgesinden ayrılmıştır. Kuzeyden Rodop dağları ile Bulgaristan’dan ayrılarak, Güneyden Ege Denizi ile çevrilmiştir. Batı Trakya; 8.578 km² olup, İskeçe (Ksanthi), Gümülcine (Komotini), Dedeağaç (Aleksandropolis) olmak üzere üç ayrı vilayetten oluşmaktadır. Batı Trakya’da nüfus 350.000 civarında olup, burada yaşayan Batı Trakya Türk Azınlığının sayısı ise 150.000 civarındadır.
Batı Trakyanın Kısa Tarihçesi
M.Ö. 2.000 yıllarından bu yana üzerinde yaşanan verimli bir bölgedir. Bölgenin en eski halkı, Hint Avrupa kökenli bir halk olan Traklar’dır. Batı Trakya M.Ö. 7.yüzyıldan itibaren Pers, Yunan ve Makedonya uygarlıklarının egemenliğinde kalmış, M.Ö. 335 yılına kadar burada Trakya Krallığı hüküm sürmüştür. Daha sonra Batı Trakya, Roma ve Bizans İmparatorluklarının egemenliği altında yaşamıştır. Bölgedeki Türk varlığının, balkanlara M.Ö. 2.yüzyılda ulaşan İskit Türklerinin ve orta asya’dan batıya göç eden kavimlerin gelişi ile başladığı bilinmektedir. Hun Türkleri M.S. 4.yüzyılda, Avar Türkleri 5.yüzyılda, Peçenekler 9.yüzyılda, Kuman Türkleri de 11.yüzyılda bu bölgeye yerleşmişlerdir. Her zaman ilerleyen ve ilk önce bir uç beyliği olarak kurulan Osmanlı devleti I. Murat’tan sonra düzenli ordular ve Lala Şahin Paşa, Evrenos Bey, Hayrettin Paşa gibi çok değerli kumandanlar sayesinde Ferecik’ten başlayarak Gümülcine, İskeçe, Drama, Kavala, Serez ve Karaferya kasabalarını da ele geçirerek Batı Trakya’nın tamamını (1363 1374) yıllarında fethetmişlerdir.
Tarihçilerin de belirttiklerine göre, Batı Trakya’da 1363 yılından önce de Anadolu’dan göç eden bazı Müslüman Türk boyları yaşamıştır. Belgelerle de bu gerçek ispatlanmaktadır. Örneğin, Gümülcine (Komotini) Kırmahalle Camii’nin içinde Hicri 581/ Miladi 1185 tarihli bir kabir taşı bulunmaktadır. Kozlukebir (Ariana) Belediyesine bağlı Değirmendere (Darmeni) mezarlığında bulunan 1200 tarihli mezar taşı da bunu doğrulamaktadır. Batı Trakya’ya Türkler yüzlerce yıl önce Anadolu’dan gelerek kendilerine burayı vatan edinmişlerdir. Ancak Osmanlı İmparatorluğunun çöküşü Batı Trakya Türkleri için bir felaket olmuştur.
Tarihte ilk Türk Cumhuriyeti 31 Ağustos 1913′te Batı Trakya’da kurulmuştur. Bağımsızlığını ilan eden yeni yönetim, ilk olarak ülkenin sınırlarını belirlemiş, bağımsız devletin sembolü olan bayrağı resmi binalara çekmiş, 29.170 kişilik ordusunu kurup, bütçesini hazırlamış, pul bastırarak, pasaport uygulamasına geçmiştir. Bu arada Osmanlı yasa ve tüzükleri aynen kabul edilerek davalara da Garbi Trakya Adliyesi bakmaya başlamıştır. Ayrıca resmi bir ajans kurularak Fransızca ve Türkçe olmak üzere İndependant adında bir gazete çıkarma girişiminde de bulunulmuştur. Ancak o dönemde Osmanlı hükümetinin daha değişik bir Balkan politikası vardı. Daha doğrusu İstanbul’daki siyasi iktidar kavgası ve kargaşası Batı Trakya’da böyle bir bağımsız Türk devletiyle ilgilenme olanağını ortadan kaldırmıştı. Nitekim 29 Ekim 1913 tarihinde imzalanan İstanbul Anlaşmasıyla Batı Trakya bütünüyle Bulgaristan’a bırakılmıştır. Birinci Cihan Savaşının sonlarına doğru 1917′de Yunanlılar, Almanlara karşı savaşa girince, Bulgaristan’ın elindeki Batı Trakya, Yunanlılara geçti. Paris Barış Konferansında da bu durum teyid edildi.
Gümülcine Hükümet Binasına Bayrağın Çekilişi
Devletin Kurucusu Kuşçubaşı Eşref Bey
Yunanistan, Batı Trakya’da referandum yaparak bu toprakların mülkiyetini daha yasal bir zemine oturtmak istiyordu. Nitekim 27 Kasım 1919′da Batı Trakya’da bir referandum yapıldı. Bu referandumun sonuçları Batı Trakya’nın Yunanistan’a verilmesini sağladı. 1923 yılında imzalanan Lozan Barış Antlaşması ile de Batı Trakya artık Yunanistan’ın bir parçası oldu. Batı Trakya Türkleri, 1923 yılında imzalanan Lozan Barış Antlaşması ile azınlık statüsü ile Yunanistan’a emanet edildi.